Netaji Subhas Mystery
Original blog-post : 27
May 2014.
First Revision : 23 January 2015
on the 118th
birth anniversary of Netaji
Subhas Chandra Bose.
This (Second) Revision : 3 October 2015
This block added after 14 Oct 2015
Historic Decision by PM Narendra Modi
Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced on Wednesday, 14 October 2015,
when Netaji Subhas's family members met him, that the secret files
related to Subhas Chandra Bose would be declassified by the Central
Government beginning 23 January (birth date of Netaji) 2016, saying
"there is no need to strangle history".
He said he would also urge foreign governments to declassify files on
Netaji available with them by writing to them and personally taking up
with foreign leaders, beginning with Russia: FM Sushma Swaraj has since
moved the matter with Russia.
(This
obviously overrides the related portions later in this blog.)
Suppression of Truth
Dynasty & the Suppression of Truth
Dynacracy, that is,
Dynastic
Democracy, is unfair, and is against the spirit of
the constitution. It discounts merit and prevents competent from
rising. The quality of leadership emerging out of a dynastic process
can never really be good. For proof, check for yourself the unutterable
underachievements of the underwhelming leadership of the dynasts, in
the states or at the Centre, and how it has become worse and worse down
the generation. If you look at the sequence from the beginning to
hopefully the end—Nehru, Indira, Rajiv, Sonia and Rahul—you find a
steep deterioration. In the descending geometric progression of
generation-to-generation falling standards of the Nehru-Dynasty, Rahul
Gandhi has scaled new heights, rather new depths. Dynacracy
also thwarts internal democracy in political parties. Dynastic
politics, nepotism, institutionalised corruption and non-accountability
go together. Dynastic politics is always at the expense of the nation.
It is the biggest menace. It’s the foundation of India’s misery.
Yet another major negative
of Dynacracy is that it suppresses truth.
Continuance of the dynacracy requires that the halo be maintained. That
requires hiding the ugly, and highlighting the positive, which is
mostly manufactured. Both hiding the ugly and highlighting the
manufactured
positive requires continued suppression of truth. But, that is possible
as long as the power passes within the family from one generation to
the next.
There are a flood of examples of the above. The grave blunders of
Nehru, Indira, Rajiv were all suppressed, and the various institutions,
government schemes, airports, ports, bridges, awards
and so on continued to be named after these three who together with
their descendents have been at the root of India's poverty,
backwardness and misery. (For details, please check these:
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7.)
It is this tendency that has kept the truth on 1962-debacle
(Henderson-Brooks/Bhagat Report) and on
Netaji Subhas from
seeing the
light of the day.
Inexplicable, Continued Suppression of Truth
After the installation of the non-Congress government in May 2014, it
was hoped that the Indian public would finally know
what really happened to one of India's greatest sons—Netaji Subhas
Chandra Bose.
Modi had been eulogising Netaji in his speeches, and several ministers
in his government had promised in their public speeches
that the truth on Netaji would be brought out.
Lame Excuse: Relationship with Foreign Countries would be
Affected!
Unfortunately, the current Modi-government is also stonewalling the
demand for making public the classified government files on Netaji.
Modi-government’s reply to an RTI query in the matter elicited the same
reply as that of the UPA:
relations
with foreign countries would be
affected!
It has been conjectured by several notables who have pieced together
available evidence that the concerned foreign countries might be the
UK, Russia, Japan and China. Would
the disclosure therefore spoil relations with them? Not
likely. Current Russian dispension cannot be blamed for what Stalin
did. Can we blame the current USA or Barack Obama for what Nixon might
have done to India? Or, can we blame the current UK Prime Minister for
what Churchill did to India?
A BJP person himself—Dr
Chandan
Mitra, BJP's prominent spokesman and eminent journalist—had this to say
during the discussions on the Mukherjee
Commission’s Report in the Rajya Sabha in August, 2006: “Dr
Chandan
Mitra said he could not understand why certain Bose files were kept
classified in the name of ties with certain friendly foreign countries.
‘Are the friendly countries more important or are the people of India
more important?’ he asked. ‘It is not a political question, it is a
question of our nationhood,’ he underscored and predicted that ‘the
people of this country will not rest quiet even if it takes three more
generations’ to get at the truth about Bose.”
So, relationship with other countries seems like a cover, a lame
excuse. The most likely fallout of disclosure of the classified files
on Netaji may be that the lies that Nehru told Indians on Netaji may be
exposed! Perhaps, even Gandhiji was aware that Netaji had not died in
that plane crash. Hence, it might rebound on him too! Possibly, the
current government too wants to protect the reputation of Nehru and
Gandhi, even
at the cost of keeping the public in dark on Netaji. Even the babus in
the Government, who continue to have loyalties to the “First Family”,
are reluctant to let the truth come out.
Mamta's Declassification
On 18 September 2015 the West Bengal government released 64 files
comprising 12,744 pages related to Subhas Chandra Bose. Many of them
relate to snooping on Netaji family members by the government of India
and West Bengal for over 20 years after the reported death of Netaji.
While releasing the said files, the West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata
Banerjee called upon the Centre to also declassify files in its
possession on Netaji.
Subsequently, on 28 September 2015, Mamata Banerjee has
also declassified 401 cabinet files of the
period 1938-47
that would throw light on the pre-independence era.
Files yet to be Declassified
Tacked to one of the dossiers submitted to the Khosla Commission was a
note listing 30 secret files that were either missing or destroyed.
These were part of Nehru’s own collection of confidential papers that
were handled by Mohammed Yunus, who was later appointed Indira Gandhi’s
special envoy. One of the destroyed files was titled,
“Investigation into the Circumstances leading to the Death of Subhas
Chandra Bose”. It's a mystery why Khosla never pursued the
case of the missing files?
Samar Guha, MP, had alleged, among other things, that, "
Most
of the
secret files about Netaji, that were maintained by Pandit Nehru himself
as PM's special files, one of which included all communications
connected with INA Defense Committee, were reported by the Government
as either missing or destroyed. It will not be easy to presume that
Netaji's communication to Nehru and a copy of Nehru's letter to Attlee
have also been destroyed."
Writes Anuj Dhar: “...
by mistake the Home Ministry had
actually
admitted before Khosla [Commission of Enquiry] that about 30 classified
papers and files on Subhas Bose were either missing or destroyed. The
files and papers were once in the personal possession of Nehru, who had
been assisted by his Confidential Secretary Mohammad Yunus in
maintaining them. One look at the indices, and one knew that by no
stretch of imagination could they be of ‘unwanted’ type... file
12(226)/56-PM—Investigation into the Circumstances Leading to
the Death
of Subhas Chandra Bose—was most sensitive of all...”
The Book also quotes a senior journalist, Deepak Sharma, in the Pioneer
of 23 January 2001, reproducing a statement of a Home Ministry
official:
“Whatever is relevant on Netaji
will be shown to the
Commission. But beyond a point, the files cannot be made public. It’s
too explosive.”
Even though the
Central Information Commission has asked for disclosure of the
manuscript of the
History
of the Indian National Army lying unpublished
in Government's custody since 1950, the same has not yet been
disclosed.
Nearly 130 classified files on Netaji are claimed to be in the
possession of various Central Government departments, including
37 in the Prime Minister's Office (PMO) and the Ministry of
External Affairs (MEA).
Next Steps
Family members of Netaji have had meetings with the Prime Minister Shri
Narendra Modi in connection with declassification of files on Netaji.
Their next meeting, along with representatives of organisations
researching Netaji mystery, with the PM is scheduled for
perhaps
14 October 2015. Hopefully, the meeting would open the way for
declassification.
Petition on Netaji to PM
A petition comprising the following four major demands has been filed
with the PM Narendra Modi by
Team
Mission Netaji:
(1)Acceptance of the finding of the Justice Mukherjee Commission of
Inquiry (1999-2005).
(2)Disclosure of all records on Netaji, including those held by
intelligence agencies and PMO.
(3)Instituting a multi-disciplinary special investigation team (SIT)
comprising historians, retired judges, intelligence officers,
archivists and representatives of the family of Netaji as well as
investigative researchers and civil society organisations to complete
the probe on Netaji.
(4)Request to other countries to share information on Netaji with the
Indian government.
The process of obtaining online signatures for the petition is on, and
already over 12,000 signatures have been obtained.
Congress/Nehru's Crash Claim
It was claimed that Netaji Subhas had perished in a plane crash in
Taipei on 18 August 1945; and that his ashes are enshrined in Tokyo's
Renkoji temple. This was the version accepted by Nehru and the
Congress, and was the conclusion of the first two Enquiry Commissions
on Netaji, who had conveniently endorsed the government's position.
Reportedly, a Mitsubishi Ki-21 heavy bomber took off from
Saigon airport at 2 pm on 17 August 1945.
The bomber was
being used
for transportation, but it had no seats (it didn't have parachutes
either)
.
Passengers had to squat on floor on cushions. Inside the bomber were 13
people, including Bose and Lt Gen Tsunamasa Shidei of the Imperial
Japanese Army. Bose was
accompanied by his ADC and INA's Deputy Chief of Staff Lt Colonel
Habibur Rahman.
The plane landed for refuelling in Taihoku, Formosa (now Taipei,
Taiwan), after an overnight halt in Vietnam. Moments after the flight
took off after refuelling on 18 August 1945, passengers heard a loud
‘bang’. Ground crew saw the portside engine fall off, and the plane
crashed. The pilots and Lt Gen Shidei died instantly. Rahman, who
miraculously survived, recalled that Netaji was doused in a
splash of petrol when the plane crashed, and his clothes subsequently
caught fire. Netaji was badly burnt, was taken to hospital, but passed
away a few hours later, unable to survive his burn-injuries.
But, is the above story true?
Why Crash Claim Appears Dubious
No Official Confirmation by India or Britain
Though Nehru had repeatedly reiterated the crash-claim, there was no
official confirmation either by Britain (in power then) or by the
subsequent Indian government.
You ask me to send you proof of the death of Netaji Subhas Chandra
Bose.
I cannot send you any
precise and direct proof.
~ Nehru to Suresh Bose in 1962.
Dead Body?
How come Netaji’s other colleagues, who were to follow him on
another flight, never saw his body? Why were no photographs
taken of Netaji’s injured state or his body in the hospital?
Why was no death certificate issued?
Biography of an INA recruiting
officer
An article in Mumbai Mirror of 28 August 2005 titled “Nehru ditched
Bose!”, based on a biography of Dr VJ Dhanan, an INA recruiting
officer, says that Bose had not died in that so-called air-crash on 18
August 1945 in Taiwan. The story was a concoction by the Japanese to
keep Bose safe in exile. Soviet diplomats had claimed that Bose was in
Russia.
Letter from Bose to Nehru &
Letter by Nehru to Attlee
Reportedly, Viceroy Wavell had mentioned that Nehru had received a
letter from
Bose after the date of his reported death.
As per the submission made by one Mr Shyamlal Jain of Meerut to the
Khosla Commission, that was setup in 1970, he was called by Nehru to
Asif Ali’s residence with typewriter on
26/27 December 1945,
and was
given a letter to type—the following letter.
Mr Clements Attlee
British Prime Minister
10 Downing Street,
London
Dear Mr Attlee,
I understand from
most reliable source that Subhas Chandra Bose, your
war criminal, has been allowed to enter Russian territory
by Stalin.
This is a clear treachery and betrayal of faith by the Russians as
Russia has been an ally of the British-Americans, which she should not
have done.
Please take care of
it and do what you consider proper and fit.
Yours sincerely,
Jawaharlal Nehru
The above letter is a proof Bose did not die in the air-crash, and that
Nehru knew it! What is, however,
worth
noting and shocking are the use of words "...Bose, your war
criminal..." by Nehru in the above letter. Clearly show
Nehru's disdain for Netaji and his insulting attitude. For Nehru, Bose
was not a
patriot who gave his all to the nation, he was a war criminal, meant to
be treated as such!
Sardar Patel's Response
Ahmed Jaffer asked Sardar Patel, the then Home Minister in the Interim
Government, on 31 October 1946 meeting whether the government
had
evidence on the death of Bose. Patel's laconic reply was:
"No!" When
pressed further, Patel replied:
"The
government are not in a position
to make any authoritative statement on the subject." When
Patel was
confronted with Nehru's definitive statement that Bose had died, Patel
reiterated that the government had no view in the matter either way.
Claims of Netaji's Close Relatives
Sarat Chandra Bose, the elder brother of Netaji, broke his two-year
silence—during which he had been investigating the matter—over the
reported-death of Netaji, by stating in late 1947:
"Subhash is alive
and Jawaharlal knows it." Sarat lived with this conviction
till his
death in 1950.
Emilie Schenkl, Netaji's wife, refused to buy the story of ‘death by
plane crash’. Indeed, Emilie was so much against the said
story that she refused to meet Pranab Mukherjee in 1995, the
then External Affairs Minister (now the President), when he had
approached her to discuss the possibility of transferring Subhas’s
‘ashes’ from Tokyo's
Renkoji temple to India.
JMC's Categorical Statement
Report: "The Taiwan Government has informed the one-man Netaji
Commission of
Inquiry that there was no air crash at Taihoku on August 18, 1945, till
date believed to have killed Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose.
Disclosing this to newspersons after a routine hearing of the [Justice
Mukherjee] Commission [
JMC]
here, Justice M K Mukherjee said that the Taiwan Government has
confirmed to the Commission during its recent visit to that country
that no plane crashed at Taihoku between August 14 and September 20,
1945."
Declassified Files on Snooping
Most of the 64 files declassified by the West Bengal government on 18
September 2015 relate to snooping on the family members of Netaji.
Their contents clearly establish that the Indian government as well as
several foreign governments connected with Netaji believed Subhas was
still alive, and that he had not perished in the plane-crash.
Enquiry Commissions
(1) Shah Nawaj Committee (SNC) or Netaji Inquiry
Committee (NIC), 1956
I
have no doubt in
my mind—I did not have it then and I have no doubt today of the fact of
Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose’s death... There can be no enquiry about
that.
~ Nehru in reply to a question put in the Parliament by HV Kamath on 5
March 1952.
I am quite clear in my
own mind that all the enquiries we could make
have been made and the result is a conviction that Shri Subhas Chandra
Bose died as has been stated. There is an abundance of evidence on
this, which I consider convincing. In the circumstances, I see
absolutely no justification of appointing a commission to make further
enquiries.
~ Nehru, 1953.
You ask me to send you proof of the death of Netaji Subhas Chandra
Bose. I cannot send you any precise and direct proof.
~ Nehru to Suresh Bose in 1962.
Nehru did his best for a decade to stall all enquiries into the death
of Netaji. But, when he could fend it off no longer, he
decided to
set up a committee that would give a report as he desired. A committee
headed by Shah Nawaz Khan (24 January 1914 – 9 December 1983), a
Congress MP and a former Lieutenant
Colonel of INA, was appointed in 1956. Its other members
were SN Maitra, ICS, nominated by the West Bengal
Government,
and Suresh Chandra Bose, a non-political elder brother of Netaji. The
committee came to be known as the
Shah Nawaj
Committee (SNC) or the
Netaji Inquiry Committee
(NIC).
NIC interviewed 67 witnesses in
India, Japan, Thailand, and Vietnam between April and July 1956. The
interviewees included the reported survivors of the
alleged plane
crash, one of whom was INA's Lt Colonel
Habibur Rahman, who had since joined the Pakistan military
establishment.
Two members of the NIC, Shah Nawaz Khan and SN Maitra,
concluded Bose had died in the plane crash. However, Suresh
Chandra Bose, the third member, differed, did not believe so and
submitted a dissenting note. He claimed that certain
crucial
evidence was withheld from him, and that he was pressurized by the
other members and also by the then WB Chief Minister BC Roy to sign the
final report. Suresh Bose alleged:
“My colleagues, both connected with the Government, have tried their
utmost to secure and manipulate the evidence, so that it could easily
conform with the Prime Minister’s statements.”
Incidentally, Shah Nawaz Khan held various ministerial posts between
1952 and 1977. Was he bought over?
(2) Khosla Commission 1970-74
Owing to persistent doubts and pressure from many quarters, a one-man
commission of enquiry headed
by a retired Chief Justice of the Punjab High Court, GD
Khosla,
was set up in 1970. It submitted its report in 1974. The delay was on
account of other duties assigned to GD Khosla.
Justice Khosla concurred with the earlier report
of the Shah Nawaz Committee on the main facts of Bose's death.
Justice Mukherjee Commission (please see below) was dismayed by the
sheer negligence of
the Khosla Commission in omitting to pursue several crucial
leads Dr Satyanarain Sinha
(details later below) had provided to unravel the Netaji mystery.
(3) Justice Mukherjee Commission (JMC) of Inquiry 1999-2005
Justice Mukherjee Commission of Inquiry was set up in 1999 during the
Vajpayee's NDA regime, following a
Calcutta High Court Order. It was headed by a retired Supreme Court
Judge Manoj Kumar
Mukherjee. The commission studied hundreds of files on Bose's death
drawn from several countries and visited Japan, Russia and Taiwan. It
submitted its report in 2005.
The Commission's
conclusions/recommendations were several:
(1)The oral accounts on the plane
crash
were not reliable.
(2)Bose had NOT died in the alleged plane-crash. Thanks to the
cooperation extended by Taiwan, it could be confirmed by the JMC that
no air-crash took place on 18 August 1945! The US state
department
too had corroborated the fact of no air-crash in
Taiwan on
that day.
(3)The plane-crash was a ruse to allow safe escape of Bose by Japan and
Taiwan. There
was a secret plan to ensure Bose's safe passage to the USSR with the
knowledge of the Japanese authorities and Habibur Rahman (who had
testified
on the plane crash).
As per the Report:
"...On a
conspectus of all
the facts and circumstances relevant to the above issues it stands
established that emplaning at Saigon on August 17, 1945 Netaji
succeeded in evading the Allied Forces and escaping out of their reach
and as a camouflage thereof the entire make-believe story of the air
crash, Netaji’s death therein and his cremation was engineered by the
Japanese army authorities including the two doctors and Habibur Rahman
and then aired on August 23, 1945..."
(4)The Indian government subsequently came to know of the escape, but
chose to suppress the report.
(5)The ashes kept at the Renkoji temple in Japan,
reported to be
Bose's, were of Ichiro Okura, a Japanese soldier who died of cardiac
arrest.
(6)JMC asked for a thorough
probe into the so-called Russian connection that contends that Bose had
been detained in a Siberian camp.
(7)JMC couldn't find any evidence that "
Gumnami Baba"/
Bhagwanji,
a monk who lived in Faridabad until his death in 1985,
was Bose in
disguise. (However, later Justice Mukherjee had commented: “It is my
personal feeling…But I am 100 per cent sure that he (the monk) is
Netaji.")
The Action Taken Report (ATR) was tabled in the Parliament on 17 May
2006 during UPA-I by Minister of State for Home S Regupathy along with
the JMC Report. The ATR mentioned, inter alia, that the government had
examined the Commission's report submitted to it on 8 November 2005
"in
detail and has not agreed with the findings that Netaji did
not
die in a plane crash and the ashes in the Renkoji Temple were not of
Netaji." As such,
the
Commission's report was rejected by the government without
assigning any specific reasons.
Reportedly, the Commission did not receive cooperation from either the
Indian government or the foreign countries it visited, except Taiwan.
The hostile posture of the British, Russian, Japanese and Indian
governments was intriguing and indicative of an international
conspiracy to suppress the truth. The Indian government
refused to
share many important files and documents with the JMC under
the
pretext of them being sensitive. Disappointed,
the JMC was
forced to submit its unfinished work to the then Congress home minister
Shivraj Patil.
If didn't die in air-crash,
What happened to Netaji?
The alternate conjecture is that Netaji had actually escaped to Russia.
It has been alleged that the Indian government and its political
leadership were aware that it was likely that Netaji was alive and in
captivity in USSR, but chose to ignore the information, and perhaps
even actively collaborated to suppress the information after
independence.
It is believed by many that Netaji breathed his last in Soviet custody
years after the alleged crash in Taiwan.
Satyanarain Sinha's Surmise
Who was Dr Satyanarain Sinha?
Born in Chhapra, Bihar in 1910,
Dr. Satyanarain Sinha was a member of the Constituent Assembly
of India. He was a Congress MP elected to the Lok
Sabha in 1952, 1957, 1962 and 1967 from Bihar. He had been the
Minister of Parliamentary Affairs.
Sinha sailed for Europe in 1930, and studied medicine in
Vienna.
He had an adventurous life. Reportedly, he had also once stayed at
Sorrento near Naples
with Maxim Gorky. He was fluent in several foreign languages, including
German
and Russian. He was a staff
captain in the Soviet Army for two years during 1932-34; and
also served as an interpreter for six months in Siberia where
he befriended many Russian and German spies. He had joined Mussolini’s
forces, and fought on the side of the Italians in
the battle of 1935-36 in Ethiopia against the Allies.
He returned to India in 1936. After 1947, on behalf of the
Indian government,
he worked as an informal secret agent, and travelled
to Germany,
Italy, France and Yugoslavia. He joined IFS (Indian Foreign Service)
in 1950, and served as First Secretary in the Indian legation in Berne,
Switzerland. He resigned from IFS after 2 years and became an
MP.
Sinha's Statements/Testimony
In an article in the Anand Bazar Patrika, Sinha, upon his return from
Taiwan in 1964, had stated his reasons for concluding why the
reported Bose plane-crash had not really happened.
Sinha had also published a book Netaji Mystery in
September 1966. Here are some extracts from the same:
A number of friends ask: "Even if we take it for granted that Netaji
did not die in plane-crash, what is the use of your reviving Netaji
affairs if he is not returning to us in any case?"
...Concerning Netaji, such questions amount to an expression of
betrayal to him...
One of my lawyer friends, a distinguished member of the Parliament,
whom I asked to raise Netaji's question from the floor of the House,
and to demand that (Prime Minister) Mr (Lal Bahadur) Shastri should
make enquiries about him during his coming visit to Russia, was taken
aback by my extraordinary request. He retorted: "Since Subhas Babu did
not turn up amongst us for so many years, in the eyes of law he must be
considered definitely dead, and thus, the Netaji affair cannot be
reopened."...
…As the things stand today, not to enquire about Netaji's fate in
Russia will be a blunder of national magnitude with far reaching
consequence. Posterity will never forgive us for such a criminal
negligence in the affairs of a national hero of the highest order...
Sinha had also deposed before the Khosla
Commission. Here are some
extracts:
Khosla Commission:
I want you to be more specific about this information which you
received. Who gave you the information and what were the exact words
used by him as far as you can remember?
Sinha:
Kuzlov was the name of the man who was connected with the training of
Indians till 1934. The same man was later treated by Stalin as a
Trotskyist and sent to Yakutsk
prison. From there, after the war, he
had come back. I met him in Moscow. He said that he had seen Bose in
Cell No. 45 in Yakutsk.
Khosla Commission:
Did he name Bose or did he say some important Indian?
Sinha: He
knew Bose. He had been a Soviet agent in India in 30s. He had met Bose
in Calcutta and he knew his residence.
Sinha deposed to the Commission
that in a meeting with Nehru on 13 April 1950, he had
given Nehru the information on Bose, but Nehru was
disinterested. He had broached the matter again with Nehru on 16
January 1951 in Paris, but to no avail.
Sinha told the Commission
that he was making the charges “with
full responsibility", and he suspected the
government didn't want matters regarding Bose to see the light of the
day.
Justice Mukherjee Commission was dismayed by the sheer negligence of
the Khosla Commission in omitting to pursue several crucial
leads Sinha
had provided to unravel the Netaji mystery.
Yakutsk Prison, Siberia: World’s Coldest & Harshest
Prison Camp
As mentioned above, Subhas was perhaps sent to Yakutsk prison by
Stalin. There were many camps, known as Gulags, each
with
500-1000 prisoners of war or political dissidents living with
minimal facilities, in Yakutsk by the river Lena in
Siberia. Most
of the captives couldn’t survive the harsh weather and primitive living
conditions, and died building new shafts for coal mines, roads, dams,
and so on, for which they were deployed in that coldest city on earth.
Did Dr Radhakrishnan know?
There is also a startling report—unconfirmed—that India's the then
ambassador to Russia, Dr S Radhakrishnan, was permitted to see
Netaji from a distance in an undisclosed location in the
Soviet Union. The details are not known.
In his book,
Back from Dead, Anuj Dhar mentions
that reportedly “
the
Ambassador was then taken to one of the labour camps in Siberia and he
saw Bose from a distance of 10 metres. On his return, the Ambassador
filed a report to the Prime Minister.” As per the book, many
witnesses
before Khosla Commission charged that Radhakrishnan and his predecessor
Vijaylakshmi Pandit knew something about Bose’s presence in the USSR.
Incidentally, Radhakrishnan was proposed by Nehru as India’s first Vice
President—a post that did not exist then as per the Constitution—upon
his return from Russia. Radhakrishnan also became the first Bharat
Ratna awardee.
Dr Satyanarain Sinha (for details, please see above) had also worked as
an interpreter to Dr
Radhakrishnan at Geneva. Dr Radhakrishnan was later ambassador to the
USSR. Sinha had claimed that he had raised the issue of Netaji
with Dr Radhakrishnan. Said Sinha:
“He
(Radhakrishnan) warned me
that I should not meddle in these things. I asked him why. Then he said
‘you will be spoiling your career, you will not be anywhere’.”
Yadav's Statement
Anuj Dhar says in
India’s Biggest Cover-up:
“Wrinkles of angst and
helplessness formed on former Ministry of External Affairs officer Rai
Singh Yadav’s battered face as he thought back to the time when a
Russian diplomat in Europe had teased him.
‘Your Quisling was
with us!’
[meaning Netaji Subhas]...
Our people did not wish to
disturb relations.
They knew Netaji was in Siberia. He had been left out in the cold!”
Sarkar's Testimony in JMC
Anuj Dhar also mentions about one Mr Ardhendu Sarkar, a post graduate
in mechanical engineering from the UK, who had been to USSR in 1962, as
an employee of HEC—Heavy Engineering Corporation. His senior at the
Plant in Ukraine was one Zerovin, a German, who had been brought to
USSR in 1947 and was sent to Siberia for indoctrination. Zerovin told
Sarkar that he had met Subhas Bose in a gulag there, where some VIPs
had been lodged, and had even talked to him. When Sarkar brought this
to the notice of the Indian Embassy in Moscow, he was asked to keep
shut, mind his own business, and forget what he had heard. Thereafter,
out of fear, Sarkar, never opened his mouth till his children grew up
and were settled. Breaking his long silence, Sarkar testified before
the Mukherjee Commission in 2000, and detailed the whole incident in
Russia.
Mudie's Report
An interesting article on the web says: “...On August 23, 1945, the
home member of the Indian government, Sir R.F.Mudie prepared a report
(Ref: Top Secret Letter no. 57 dated 23 August 1945) as to how to
handle Netaji. It was addressed to Sir E.Jenkins. The viceroy submitted
this report to the English cabinet. ‘
Russia may accept Bose under
special circumstances. If that is the case, we shouldn’t demand him
back’ was the cabinet’s decision on this. After
considering this, the
British Prime Minister Clements Attlee decided ‘
Let him remain
where he
is now’. This decision was taken in October 1945. It clearly
indicates
that he was alive even in October 1945, much after the reported death
in an air-crash on 18 August 1945. In 1946, Nehru met Mountbatten in
Singapore. On no occasion after this meeting, Nehru has been reported
of praising the INA. He had agreed to the demand from the Indians in
Singapore to place wreath and flowers at Netaji’s martyr dome there,
but withdrew quite dramatically on the 11th hour...”
Patel's Statement to Khosla Commission
Usman Patel, Netaji’s bodyguard, told the Khosla Commission in 1971
that Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Maulana
Azad had come to an agreement with the British that if Netaji were to
enter India, he would be handed over and charged. Patel told Khosla
that Maulana Azad had confirmed this to him. Incidentally, Usman Patel
was not allowed to depose before the first commission of enquiry on
Netaji: Shah Nawaz Commission.
No Efforts to Locate Subhas!
The sad part is why no efforts were made to bring Bose back,
if indeed
he was with the Russians?
Requests of many
countries for their missing persons had been repeatedly stonewalled by
USSR, but they finally extracted the required information
through
sheer persistence and diplomatic pressure. In sharp contrast, rather
than USSR, it was India itself, its Congress Governments from Nehru
downwards, which stonewalled even making requests to the Russians. When
Dr Satyanarayan Sinha implored Nehru at a diplomatic
gathering to informally raise the Bose-issue with the Soviet
ambassador, Nehru dismissed the suggestion as “
talk of
chandukhana”
[gossip in a den of opium addicts].
India's Independence :
Thanks Mainly to Subhas/INA
Comments Narendra Singh Sarila in his book,
The Shadow of the
Great
Game: The Untold Story of India’s Partition: “
In
South-east Asia, Bose
blossomed, and,...played an important role in demoralizing the British
military establishment in India. Indeed, it is a toss-up whether
Gandhiji’s or Bose’s influence during the period 1945-46—even after
Bose’s death—played a more important role in destabilizing British rule
in India.”
An article on the web states: “
Later,
Atlee, in a private visit to
Calcutta, told the Governor of Bengal that it was Bose who brought
independence to India.” There are reasonable grounds to
believe that
the Subhas Bose INA’s military onslaught on the British and the INA Red
Fort trials of 1945-46 and its consequence were a major factor in the
British decision to quit India, and not the Quit India movement of
Congress.
You have fulfilled a noble task by persuading Dr. Majumdar to write
this history of Bengal and publishing it ... In the preface of the book
Dr. Majumdar has written that he could not accept the thesis that
Indian independence was brought about solely, or predominantly by the
non-violent civil disobedience movement of Gandhi. When I was the
acting Governor, Lord Atlee, who had given us independence by
withdrawing the British rule from India, spent two days in the
Governor's palace at Calcutta during his tour of India. At that time I
had a prolonged discussion with him regarding the real factors that had
led the British to quit India. My direct question to him was that since
Gandhi's "Quit India" movement had tapered off quite some time ago and
in 1947 no such new compelling situation had arisen that would
necessitate a hasty British departure, why did they have to leave? In
his reply Atlee cited several reasons, the principal among
them being
the erosion of loyalty to the British Crown among the Indian army and
navy personnel as a result of the military activities of Netaji.
Toward
the end of our discussion I asked Atlee what was the extent of Gandhi's
influence upon the British decision to quit India. Hearing this
question, Atlee's lips became twisted in a sarcastic smile as
he slowly
chewed out the word, "m-i-n-i-m-a-l!"
~ Chief justice P.B.
Chakrabarty of Calcutta High Court,
who had also served as the acting Governor of West Bengal in India, in
his letter addressed to the publisher of Dr. R.C. Majumdar's book "A
History of Bengal". The Chief Justice also wrote: "Apart from
revisionist historians, it was none other than Lord Clement Atlee
himself, the British Prime Minster responsible for conceding
independence to India, who gave a shattering blow to the myth sought to
be perpetuated by court historians, that Gandhi and his movement had
led the country to freedom. "
To the above one can add two more reasons: (a)Indian Naval Mutiny of
1946 and Jabalpur Army Mutiny of 1946, both provoked partially by the
INA trials, convincing the British that they could no longer trust the
Indian Army to suppress Indians, and continue to rule over
them. (b)The precarious economic condition of the UK as a consequence
of WW-II, and the maintenance of their colonies becoming a huge drag on
the UK exchequer.
Therefore, in gaining independence for the country, the credit has to
go to Netaji Bose—far more than to Gandhi or the Congress. Nehru
figures much lower. True
to Nehru-Gandhi tradition, however, only
Quit India Movement
is
highlighted as the cause of independence—which is a lie. That happened
in 1942—many, many years prior to grant of independence—and fizzled out
in mere months.
But, look at the ungrateful nation brought up on the Nehru-Indira
culture of giving importance only to self—the dynasty: no importance is
attached to non-dynasty greats. They give importance to Gandhiji too,
because, one, they can’t afford to ignore him, two, it was Gandhiji who
undemocratically and unfairly favoured Nehru and ensured he became
prime minister upon independence.
There is no memorial to Subhas Bose in the capital! And, what to speak
of memorials or samadhis, Nehru-Gandhis refused to even put Netaji
Bose’s portrait in the Central House of the Parliament, that had
portraits of other leaders.
As per an article on the web, in a confidential memo dated 11 February
1949 under the signature of Major General P N Khandoori the government
recommended: ”The photos of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose be not
displayed
at prominent places, Unit Lines, Canteens, Quarter Guards or Recreation
rooms.”
Only in 1978, when the first non-Congress Government came to the Centre
that Netaji’s portrait was put up! Incidentally, in a BBC
opinion poll in December 2004 for a popular Indian hero, while Mahatma
Gandhi topped with 36% of the votes, Bose came second with 21%, and
Nehru drew a blank!
Dr Radhakrishnan was awarded Bharat Ratna in 1954, Rajaji in 1954,
Nehru in 1955—when he was himself the PM—Govind Ballabh Pant in1957, BC
Roy in 1961, Zakir Hussain in 1963, Indira Gandhi in 1971—when she was
herself the PM—VV Giri in 1975, Kamaraj in 1976, Vinoba Bhave in 1983
and MGR in 1988! But, Subhas Chandra Bose, being not as great as these
worthies (!!), got it later! And, that too when the Dynasty was not in
the saddle. It has been that personal in our feudal democracy. Bose was
awarded Bharat Ratna posthumously in 1992, which was later withdrawn on
a legal technicality, in response to a Supreme Court directive:
Government was asked to submit conclusive evidence of Netaji's
death—which it could not—on a PIL as to how the award could be
posthumous.
Congress/Nehru's Vested Interest in Non-Return of Netaji
Some say that although Nehru camouflaged the act under the pretentions
of his lofty principles of being anti-fascist, he knew that if Subhas
returned, his [Nehru’s] position would greatly suffer. Everyone
respected and admired the guts of Subhas Chandra Bose.
If
Subhas had
returned there was no way Nehru would have become the prime minister.
And, even if by hook or by crook, through the support of Mahatma, he
would have become PM, like he did by overriding Sardar Patel, he would
have been surely defeated by Subhas in the first elections of 1952, so
popular was Subhas. He was also younger to Nehru.
Subhas & INA vs. Nehru & Congress
Congress had all through opposed Subhas and INA, but a lot is made of
Nehru donning his lawyer’s robes to fight for INA soldiers in their
trial by the British in 1945. The actual reality was that elections
were imminent, and INA and Bose being the people’s favourites, Congress
and Nehru wanted to get cheap popularity by projecting themselves as
pro-INA to win elections.
Says Anuj Dhar in
India’s Biggest Cover-up:
“The
British saw through
the Congressmen’s change of heart. Commander-in-Chief of British Indian
armed forces General Claude Auchinleck wrote to Field Marshal Viscount
Wavell on 24 November 1945 that ‘the present INA trials are agitating
all sections of Indian public opinion deeply and have also provided the
Congress with an excellent election cry.’...Captain Badhwar reported
that the Congress leaders’ turnaround had little to do with any love
for their ousted former president [Bose] or the people who fought under
his command...He [Asaf Ali—CWC member] travelled across India and
discovered that people were overwhelmingly in support of the INA. ‘This
inflamed feeling forced Congress to take the line it did,’ Badhwar
said...Ali was positive that as and when Congress came to power, they
‘would have no hesitation in removing all INA from the Services and
even in putting some of them to trial.’...The top Congress leadership’s
duplicitous disapproval of Bose and INA was exposed by numerous
pre-1947 statements made by its leaders, especially Nehru.”
As expected from Nehru and the Congress, rather that honouring and
rewarding them, the INA-veterans were debarred from the Indian Army by
the Government of independent India! Why? Because, that was the way the
British and Mountbatten wanted, as INA soldiers had fought against
them. And, Nehru being an anglophile and being indebted to Mountbatten,
did their bidding. That was in sharp contrast to Jinnah who had
inducted Muslim INA soldiers into the Pakistani army. The INA personnel
remained ineligible for the Freedom Fighters Pension till 1972.
Captain Ram Singh Thakur (1914–2002) was an INA soldier of Nepali
origin. He was also a musician and a composer. His famous patriotic
compositions include "Kadam
Kadam Badhaye Ja, khushi kē geet gāē jā, yē
zīndagi hai qâum kī, tū qâum pē lūtāē jā..." and "Subh
Sukh Chain". His
final years were difficult. He was also initially denied the status of
a freedom fighter by the government.
The Government of India had hoped, by prosecuting members of the INA,
to reinforce the morale of the Indian army. It succeeded only in
creating unease, in making the soldiers feel slightly ashamed that they
themselves had supported the British. If Bose and his men had been on
the right side-and all India now confirmed that they were-then Indians
in the Indian army must have been on the wrong side. It slowly dawned
upon the Government of India that the backbone of the British rule, the
Indian army, might now no longer be trustworthy. The ghost of Subhas
Bose, like Hamlet's father, walked the battlements of the Red Fort
(where the INA soldiers were being tried), and his suddenly amplified
figure overawed the conference that was to lead to independence.
~ Michael Edwardes in his book "Last Years of British India"
Nehru & Netaji’s Stolen War Chest
No Indian leader could
raise as much amount in the 20th century as
Netaji Subhas did for India’s freedom. He appealed to the
patriotism of
an estimated two million Indians in erstwhile British colonies
conquered by his Japanese allies for donations to finance his
government-in-exile and the Indian National Army (INA). Netaji’s
personality, his emotive speeches and his unswerving commitment to
Indian independence moved the diaspora. Numerous housewives gave away
their gold in the cause of freedom. Reportedly, one Habib Sahib gifted
all his property of over a crore of rupees; and VK Chelliah Nadar, a
Rangoon-based businessman and an INA funder, deposited Rs 42 crores and
2,800 gold coins in the
Azad
Hind Bank!
After Rangoon, where Azad Hind Bank was headquartered, fell to the
Allies in 1945, Netaji retreated to Bangkok on 24 April 1945 carrying
with him the treasury, including gold bars and ornaments, in steel
boxes. Japan surrendered to the Allied Powers on 15 August 1945, and
the 40,000-strong INA followed suit. On 18 August 1945 Netaji boarded a
Japanese bomber in Saigon bound for Manchuria, carrying the INA
treasure, along with his aide Habibur Rahman. The plane reportedly
crashed in Taiwan. The retrieved treasure from the crash site was
handed over by the Japanese army to SA Ayer and M Rama Murti of the IIL
(Indian Independence League—which had come under Netaji) at Tokyo.
Local Indians in Tokyo suspected that Rama Murti and SA Ayer had
jointly defalcated the INA treasure—there was enough circumstantial
evidence. Inexplicably, India did nothing to get back the treasure, and
rather than setting up an enquiry or hauling up Murti and Aiyer, the
government absorbed Aiyer as a director of publicity with the Bombay
state, while Murti continued to lead an affluent life-style in Tokyo,
in sharp contrast to the devastation all around.
Sir Benegal Rama Rau, the first head of the Indian liaison mission in
Tokyo, wrote to the MEA (Ministry of External Affairs), headed by the
PM Nehru himself, in India on 4 December 1947 alleging that the INA
treasure had been embezzled by Murti. Strangely, the MEA responded it
could not be interested in the INA funds! It seems it wasn’t just a
case of indifference, it was much, much more than that.
KK Chettur, who headed the Tokyo mission/embassy during 1951-52, took
up the matter of misappropriation of the INA treasure vigorously.
(Incidentally, Jaya Jaitley is
Chettur’s daughter. She has penned an
excellent, worth-reading article “#NehruSnooped: Truth behind Netaji
files” in the connection in www.dailyo.in.)
In response, the government sent SA Aiyer on a secret mission to Tokyo.
He advised collection of the retrieved treasury from Murti saying it
was in his safe custody. Chettur suspected Aiyer-Murti collusion in
returning part amount just to close the matter. He recommended to the
government a thorough probe in the matter on 22 June 1951. But, nothing
came of it. The Indian embassy collected whatever there was at Murti's
residence as the INA treasure in October 1951. The same was secretly
brought into India from Japan, and was also inspected by Nehru who
reportedly made a snide comment: “
poor
show”. Nehru quoted from Aiyer's report in the parliament
in 1952 affirming Netaji’s death in an air crash in Taipei. Aiyer was
later appointed adviser, integrated publicity programme, for the
Five Year Plan.
RD Sathe, an undersecretary in the MEA, wrote a two-page secret note on
1 November 1951 titled “INA Treasures and their handling by Messrs Iyer
and Ramamurthi” pointing out the circumstances of the mysterious
disappearance of the massive INA treasure and the highly suspicious
role of Aiyar(Iyer)-Murti duo; and the token return of a paltry portion
from it that raised even more questions. Sathe’s note was signed by
Jawaharlal Nehru on 5 November 1951 in token of having read it. But,
like the earlier notes of Rau and Chettur, Sathe’s note too was just
filed away by the Nehru’s government. However, the matter refused to
die.
The Indian ambassador in Tokyo, AK Dar, sent a four-page secret
note to the MEA in 1955 advocating a public inquiry into the matter of
the disappearance of the INA treasure. He opined that even if the
government was not able to get the treasure back, at least the culprits
or the likely culprits would be known.
He
further said that the
government’s 10-year long indifference in the matter had not only
helped the guilty party escape, but had done injustice to the great
work and sacrifice of Netaji. Even the Shah Nawaz Committee set up in
1956 to probe Netaji's disappearance had recommended an inquiry into
all the assets of Netaji's government-in-exile including the INA
treasure.
Yet Nehru did nothing! And,
that’s baffling.
It was not a small amount.
The
total treasure, had it been recovered,
would have been worth several hundred crore rupees today. Was Nehru’s
government protecting the embezzlers? Why did Nehru’s government
accommodate a suspect embezzler SA Aiyar in the government service, and
even depute him on a secret mission, as mentioned above? Was Aiyar’s
report confirming death of Netaji a quid-pro-quo? Was Nehru afraid
Aiyar-Murti duo may spill the beans on the alleged fiction of Netaji’s
death in the air-crash if they were hauled up?
All such suspicions would remain until the government comes clean on
the whole issue of disappearance of Netaji and his INA treasure and
declassifies all relevant documents. The government contention that no
public interest is served by declassification of Netaji’s files strains
credulity. Netaji's grand-nephew Chandra Bose has rightly commented:
“Declassification of all government files is a must to dispel all the
theories about Subhas Chandra Bose and clear mysteries like the
disappearance of the INA Treasure.”
Was 'Gumnami Baba' Subhas?
Gumnami Baba,
aka
Bhagwanji, was
a monk who lived in Lucknow, Faizabad, Sitapur, Basti and
Ayodhya in UP for over 30 years till his death on 16 September 1985. He
maintained contact with Dr Pavitra Mohan Roy, the former top Secret
Service agent of the INA.
Personal effects (German binoculars, Gold-rimmed spectacles identical
to that of Subhas, Bengali books, the original copy of the summons
issued to
Suresh Chandra Bose to appear before the Khosla Commission, an album
containing family photographs of Netaji
Subhas, newspaper clippings about Netaji’s ‘death’ probe, letters from
Netaji’s followers, and so on) left behind by Bhagwanji seem
to indicate he was perhaps Bose himself!
The Mukherjee Commission had referred the handwriting samples of
Bhagwanji
and Bose to Dr B Lal, a forensic expert. His report was that
the two matched! Although the Mukherjee Commission could not get any
definite evidence to establish Gumnami baba was indeed Netaji, Justice
Mukherjee personally believed it to be so, as he admitted later.
Bhagawanji's birth date was 23rd January, the same as Netaji's.
It appears that Bhagwanji might indeed have been Netaji, though it’s a mystery why he chose to remain “Gumnami”, and why the state and central governments of the day allowed such a state of affairs!
Lal Bahadur Shastri's Mysterious Death inter-related with
Unravelling Netaji's Mystery?
Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri died on 11 January 1966 at Tashkent,
then in the USSR, where he had gone for Indo-Pak talks with the
president of Pakistan, General Ayub Khan. Though he reportedly died of
heart attack, his death was shrouded in mystery. Apparently, no
post-mortem was conducted to ascertain the real cause of death either
in the USSR or in India—and that was abnormal. It has been alleged that
he died of poisoning, as his body, when brought to India, had turned
blue—although that might have been so from embalming. His last meal in
the night was sent from the home of TN Kaul, the Indian ambassador.
Shastri’s family suspected foul play.
Request for access to papers
relating to Shastri’s death under the RTI (Right to Information Act)
have been turned down—that raises further suspicion. There
appears to be an undisclosed policy not to disclose anything that might
in any small or big way impact the Dynasty.
On 2 October 2015, the birth anniversary of late Lal Bhahdur Shastri,
the family members of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose pressed for
declassification of files on Shastriji, kept in India and Russia to
unravel the mystery of his death.
"
Lal Bahadur Shastri was
one of the greatest sons of India and certainly one of the best prime
ministers India ever had! It is unfortunate that he passed away at
Tashkent on January 11, 1966, under mysterious circumstances. Till
today the truth has been hidden from the nation," Netaji's
grand-nephew Chandra Kumar Bose said on a Facebook post.
Chandra Kumar Bose said in his post that "
Lal Bahadur Shastri had promised
Amiya Nath Bose, Netaji's nephew, in Kolkata on 23 December 1965, that
during his visit to Russia, he would try to find out whether Netaji was
in Russia." Further, Shastriji had also promised Amiya
Nath Bose he would set up a proper inquiry commission on Netaji Subhas
upon his return from Russia in January 1966.
Is it possible that Shastriji's mysterious death in Tashkent, then in
the USSR, is in some way inter-related with his knowledge on Netaji's
death in Russia, and his planned further probe in the matter?
Unanswered Questions
Of course, one could question if weightage can be given to the various
reports on Bose, unless the same are authoritatively confirmed. Much of
the confusion and suspicions are on account of the government being too
secretive. Why not share the information with the public. It would help
remove doubts, and check circulation of wild rumours.
There are certainly many things that are queer, and unless the
Government comes clean on them, and makes full disclosure, along with
all the relevant documents, doubts would persist.
There are far too many unanswered questions. For example:
On Plane-crash.
Why was
Nehru so assertive about the death of Bose in the crash, when
conclusive evidence was missing, and many other aspects had come to
light?
Indifference to truth on Netaji.
Why Nehru’s Government made no attempt to search for Netaji and
try and get him back?
Why the
Indian Government itself did not take an initiative to get at the truth
through Britain, Russia, Japan, China and Taiwan? Or, was it
deliberate? They knew the facts, but didn't wish them to become public.
Ignoring/Belittling Netaji.
Why Nehru and Indira didn't allow even the putting up
of portrait of Netaji in Parliament?
Why Nehru and Indira tried their best to ensure NO importance
was accorded to Netaji?
Why the Nehru-Indira dynasty never thought it fit to award Bharat Ratna
to Netaji?
Ignoring INA's Role.
Why the INA soldiers were NOT absorbed in the Indian Army? (Even
Pakistan had done so.)
Why the contribution of INA to India's freedom not acknowledged?
Why the INA soldiers not rewarded?
Not just not rewarded, why were some of them even harassed by the
government?
Reluctance to set-up Enquiry Commissions. "Managing"/Ignoring
their Reports.
Why Nehru’s Government tried its best to stall an
enquiry? When you read Anuj Dhar’s India’s Biggest Cover-up you are
amazed by the road-blocks Nehru put up and the way he dragged his feet
on setting up a Commission of Enquiry. When, under public pressure,
Government did set up an enquiry commission, why did it try to
influence its outcome, and made sure it said what the Government wanted
it to say? Why Shah Nawaz behaved in a partisan manner? Why manipulate
a Commission you have agreed to setup? Why was Suresh Bose allegedly
offered monetary incentives, and even Governorship, to desist from
dissenting from the Shan Nawaz Report? Why Shah Nawaz and the
other government officials on the Committee suddenly turned hostile
towards Suresh Bose the moment they came to know that he would submit a
dissenting report—asking him to even vacate the Committee’s office?
When the Home Ministry admitted before Khosla Commission of Enquiry
that about 30 classified papers and files on Subhas Bose were either
missing or destroyed, including a file titled "Investigation into the
Circumstances Leading to the Death of Subhas Chandra Bose", why Justice
Khosla chose not to pursue the case of the missing files?
Further, why did Justice Khosla ignore the crucial leads provided by
Dr Satyanarain Sinha? (Justice Mukherjee Commission was
dismayed
by the
sheer negligence of
the Khosla Commission in omitting to pursue several crucial
leads Dr Satyanarain Sinha had provided to unravel the Netaji
mystery.)
Why the 2005-report of the third enquiry setup under the Court Order
was rejected by the Congress when it came to power, without assigning
any reasons?
If indeed Gumnami Baba (Bhagawanji) was Netaji:
How come the government took no steps to ascertain the truth when Bhagwanji was alive?
Or, in case it did, why has it been secretive about it? What was the government’s relationship with Bhagwanji?
Why nothing was done to get at the truth even after Bhagwanji’s death, especially after personal effects of the deceased pointed to his being perhaps Netaji? And, in case the truth was already known or was found out, why was it not made public? Why was Bhagwanji not rehabilitated or welcomed as Netaji? Why were even his relatives kept in the dark?
Why did Bhagwanji prefer to remain unknown or ”Gumnami”? What were his constraints that he didn't wish to reveal his real self?
How could such a tragedy unfold for one of the greatest sons of India, even as his compatriots and political leaders remained mute, indifferent witnesses for decades?
Snooping.
Doesn't snooping, now proven through the declassified documents, reveal
a sinister plan to suppress the truth on Netaji?
Shouldn't the accountability be formally established?
Shouldn't the wrong-doing be formally recorded as part of our recent
official history?
In case Netaji had NOT died in the plane-crash:
Who all knew that to be the case?
Did they include Nehru? Gandhiji? Dr Radhakrishnan? Who else?
If yes, why did they suppress the fact?
What was their compulsion?
What were their motives?
Keeping Netaji Files Classified: Real Reasons?
Can any
credibility be attached to government's reason (relations with certain
countries would be affected) for non-declassification of Netaji files?
Whose reputation is the government trying to protect by
non-declassification?
Is it only one person or are many more persons
involved?
Is it Nehru?
Do additional persons include Gandhi, Patel, Radhakrishnan,
and so on?
Could it also be to protect the image of Netaji himself?
Knowledge of Truth on Netaji & Its
Suppression/Non-Disclosure by Others
Would Indira, Rajiv, Rao, Vajpayee, Pranab Mukherjee and many others
have known the truth on Netaji?
Why did they all choose to not disclose the truth?
Shastriji & Netaji
Is it possible that Lal Bahadur Shastriji's mysterious death in
Tashkent, then in
the USSR, is in some way inter-related with his knowledge on Netaji's
death in Russia, and his planned further probe in the matter?
Would the truth be finally known?
While Prime Minister Narendra Modi has practically proven himself to be
far superior to the previous holders of that critical office, it is
also a fact that Modi has fallen short on many promises and
expectations. One of the promises was declassification of Netaji files.
Would Modi and the BJP choose to enhance their image,
and measure up to their promise? Or, would they demonstrate
their meekness, and shamelessly take a u-turn? Is disappointment in
store for all patriots who seek to know the truth?
Let us hope Modi would come good on his promise, and the truth would
finally be known!
